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Slovenia’s government is teetering and any candidate for an interim foreign minister should be given ECFR scorecard to propose how to improve country’s foreign policy profile within EU.

Recently ECFR issued the European Foreign Policy Scorecard that provides a systematic annual assessment of Europe’s performance in dealing with the rest of the world. The scorecard assesses the performance of the EU institutions on 80 policy areas arranged around six key themes: China, Russia, Wider Europe, MENA, US, and multilateral issues. I think targets are suitable for study of bilateral relations rather than multilateral processes, but nevertheless, scorecard offers a possibility to track these elements year on year. So there is some idea of a time span and therefore a timely process, but no idea on complex processes involving non-state actors such as Arab spring. Significant indicator for national policy makers is the question of how relevant is global governance and EU foreign policy for different groups of states. And how relevant is it for the community as a whole.

The formulation of European foreign policy and the performance of European institutions on the parameters of foreign policy presuppose that we have set goals beforehand and that we measure outcomes against proclaimed goals. According to my knowledge EU did not come up with the EU foreign policy strategy yet, even more, we do not have a mechanism to develop it. But, we do rely on intergovernmental negotiations when struggling over 80 policy areas. Of course, if we want to be coherent in the implementation of policies and the mechanisms we are using, we urgently need the strategy. European foreign policy, carried out by EEAS, is dominated by nationally established norms for organization and operation, which is to some extent predictable, but not really suitable for this supra-national entity at the beginning of 21st century. Why do we evaluate performance of individual member countries if EEAS should become the global player in the future? Starting from global processes, where European foreign policy should feature prominently, I can see three broad goals.

  1. The first is to increase global security – main topics range from terrorism, environmental and energy security to cooperation with regional security and defence institutions. European security strategy should be somehow modernised and surpass global North-South relations, as reproached in Mali response.
  2. The second broad objective is to increase prosperity in the world – EU has to maintain its active role in the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. Climate policy, for example, must be seen as an instrument for achieving the seventh millennium goal rather than as an expression of European diplomatic skills on global level.
  3. The third major objective is to boost  political leadership. Globally, we are looking into an effective representation of the EU in the international organizations and waiting for the uniform EU response to crisis and outstanding events such as voting on Palestine status in UN General Assembly.
Security, prosperity, leadership.
These are three pillars of future European foreign policy strategy and real challenges for a political generation of Europeans. The outcomes should be evaluated on a scorecard.

 

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